Summary
The story of Aspergerâs syndrome is a story about naming, power, and what happens when a diagnostic category takes on a life of its own. It begins with a Viennese paediatrician working under National Socialism, passes through a British psychiatrist who saw something the rest of the field had missed, becomes an official diagnosis that millions of people build their identity around, gets absorbed into a broader category amid scientific consensus, and then is complicated by the revelation that its namesake was complicit in the murder of disabled children. No part of this history is simple.
The timeline
1944. Hans Asperger publishes âDie âAutistischen Psychopathenâ im Kindesalterâ (Autistic psychopathy in childhood) in the Archiv fĂźr Psychiatrie und Nervenkrankenheiten. He describes four boys with social difficulties, intense focused interests, pedantic speech, and motor clumsiness, noting that these children possessed a form of intelligence that could be socially valuable. The paper is written in German and remains unknown to the English-speaking world for decades.
Aspergerâs paper is published one year after Leo Kannerâs 1943 description of autism in the US. Both use the term âautisticâ (borrowed from Bleulerâs earlier use in schizophrenia research), but they describe somewhat different populations. Kannerâs children are younger, more severely affected, many non-speaking. Aspergerâs are older, verbal, academically capable. Whether they were describing the same condition at different severity levels or genuinely different conditions would take decades to resolve.
1981. Lorna Wing, a British psychiatrist and mother of an autistic daughter, publishes âAspergerâs Syndrome: A Clinical Accountâ in Psychological Medicine. She introduces the English-speaking world to Aspergerâs work, reframes it within her concept of the autism spectrum, and argues that the children Asperger described represent one end of a continuum that includes Kannerâs autism. Wingâs paper is the single most important document in the history of the diagnosis. She chose the name âAspergerâs syndromeâ deliberately, to give clinical recognition to a group of people she believed were being missed by existing diagnostic categories.
1991. Uta Frith translates Aspergerâs 1944 paper into English for the first time, making the primary source available to researchers and clinicians who had known it only through Wingâs account.
1994. Aspergerâs disorder is included in the DSM-IV as a separate diagnosis from autistic disorder. The distinction: Aspergerâs requires no clinically significant delay in language or cognitive development. The ICD-10 had included it slightly earlier (1990/1993). The diagnosis expands rapidly. A generation of children and adults who had been missed by the narrower autism criteria are now identifiable.
2013. The DSM-5 removes Aspergerâs disorder as a separate diagnosis, merging it into Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD). The scientific rationale: the boundary between Aspergerâs and âhigh-functioning autismâ could not be drawn reliably, clinicians could not agree on which diagnosis to assign to the same person, and the evidence supported a dimensional rather than categorical model. The ICD-11 followed suit in 2022.
2018. Two publications transform the historical picture. Edith Shefferâs book Aspergerâs Children: The Origins of Autism in Nazi Vienna and Herwig Czechâs peer-reviewed paper in Molecular Autism (âHans Asperger, National Socialism, and ârace hygieneâ in Nazi-era Viennaâ) establish that Asperger was not the passive bystander he had been portrayed as. He actively cooperated with the Nazi regimeâs child euthanasia programme, referring children he deemed uneducable to the Am Spiegelgrund clinic, where they were killed. He did this while simultaneously arguing that his âinteresting casesâ â the children who would later bear his name â could be useful to the state.
The distinction Asperger drew was not between autism and non-autism. It was between autistic children who could be productive and those who could not. The former deserved protection and education. The latter were disposable. This is the origin of the functioning labels that continue to divide the autism community: the hierarchy of worth embedded in the diagnosis from the beginning.
The identity question
The diagnostic merger was scientifically defensible. It was also, for many people, personally devastating. A large community had built their identity around âAspergerâs.â The word named their experience. It connected them to others. It distinguished them from the associations that âautismâ carried (intellectual disability, non-verbal communication, high support needs). Losing the label felt like losing recognition.
Some people continue to use âAspergerâsâ as a self-identifier despite the diagnostic change. Their reasons are personal and varied: itâs what they were diagnosed with, itâs how they understand themselves, itâs what their community uses. Others have moved to âautisticâ or âon the spectrum.â Neither choice is wrong. Identity language belongs to the individual.
The Nazi history adds a moral dimension that wasnât present before 2018. For some, continuing to use Aspergerâs name feels untenable once the history is known. For others, the name has been reclaimed and now belongs to the community rather than to the man. The wiki does not prescribe a position. It describes the history and trusts readers to make their own choices.
What the history reveals
The Aspergerâs story illustrates several patterns that recur across neurodiversity:
Diagnostic categories are not discovered in nature. They are constructed by people with specific perspectives, operating within specific institutional and political contexts. Aspergerâs category was shaped by what the Nazi state considered valuable. Kannerâs was shaped by the American psychiatric establishmentâs focus on severe pathology. Wingâs reframing was shaped by a motherâs recognition that her daughterâs condition existed on a spectrum rather than as a binary.
Functioning labels embed value judgements. The split between âAspergerâsâ (intelligent, verbal, useful) and âclassic autismâ (disabled, non-verbal, dependent) carries an implicit hierarchy that the neurodiversity movement has spent decades challenging. The DSM-5 merger was partly an attempt to dissolve this hierarchy, though whether replacing two categories with a spectrum and three âsupport levelsâ actually succeeds is debatable.
Historical figures are complicated. Lorna Wing, who named the syndrome and transformed autism research, was a compassionate clinician and researcher whose work improved millions of lives. Hans Asperger, whose name she chose, facilitated the murder of disabled children. The history contains both. See Lorna Wing and Hans Asperger for their individual pages.
Key sources
- Asperger, H. (1944). Die âAutistischen Psychopathenâ im Kindesalter. Archiv fĂźr Psychiatrie und Nervenkrankenheiten, 117, 76â136. https://doi.org/10.1007/bf01837709
- Wing, L. (1981). Aspergerâs syndrome: a clinical account. Psychological Medicine, 11(1), 115â129. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0033291700053332
- Frith, U. (trans.) (1991). Aspergerâs paper, translated into English. In U. Frith (ed.), Autism and Asperger Syndrome. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521386081
- Sheffer, E. (2018). Aspergerâs Children: The Origins of Autism in Nazi Vienna. W.W. Norton. ISBN 9780393609646
- Czech, H. (2018). Hans Asperger, National Socialism, and ârace hygieneâ in Nazi-era Vienna. Molecular Autism, 9, 29. https://doi.org/10.1186/s13229-018-0208-6
- American Psychiatric Association (2013). Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (5th ed.). DSM-5.